In photographs Karl Marx and Abraham Lincoln both look the part of the respectable Victorian gentleman. But they were almost diametrically opposed in their attitude toward what was called at the time the social question. Lincoln happily represented railroad corporations as a lawyer. As a politician he was a champion of free wage labor. Karl Marx, on the other hand, was a declared foe of capitalism who insisted that wage labor was in fact wage slavery, since the worker was compelled by economic necessity to sell his defi ning human attribute—his labor power—because if he did not, his family would soon face hunger and homelessness.

Т 1. : A–K. - 2006. - 944 p.

Asia and the Middle East examines crisis areas in the nations of the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. This set applies a broad definition to "Middle East" to encompass the predominantly Muslim nations of both the eastern Mediterranean region and North Africa. This definition corresponds closely with the U.S. State Department's definition of "Near East." The thirty-four articles in World Conflicts: Asia and the Middle East are updated versions of articles that appeared in Salem Press's World Conflicts and Confrontations. Two of the articles cover broad regions (Middle East and Asia); the rest cover individual nations. Designed to meet the needs of students, faculty, and others seeking clear explanations of and background to what has been going on in the region's many troubled countries, the set identifies the "hot spots" and offers in-depth analyses of the countries facing difficult and dangerous problems that are of vital concern to the entire world.

The wider peacebuilding field has long suffered under the weight of an intriguing paradox: Violence has never been more studied, understood in terms of its dynamics and patterns, and officially identified as a policy challenge than it has in past the twenty years. And violence continues to unfold with extraordinary resilience in too many communities around the world. In this book Joe Bock makes a significant step into unpacking and suggesting creative ways to respond to this dilemma. I say that as a practitioner- scholar with thirty years of experience in community conflict and as a critic of the difficulties that this promising area of exploration — all too often misnamed as conflict prevention — has failed to deliver. From the standpoint of the practice of strategic peacebuilding several key contributions are worth highlighting from this book.

This volume of collected essays by some of the most prominent academics studying anarchism bridges the gap between anarchist activism on the streets and anarchist theory in the academy. Focusing on anarchist theory, pedagogy, methodologies, praxis, and the future, this edition will strike a chord for anyone interested in radical social change. This interdisciplinary work highlights connections between anarchism and other perspectives such as feminism, queer theory, critical race theory, disability studies, post-modernism and post-structuralism, animal liberation, and environmental justice. Featuring original articles, this volume brings together a wide variety of anarchist voices whilst stressing anarchism's tradition of dissent. This book is a must buy for the critical teacher, student, and activist interested in the state of the art of anarchism studies.

Islam vs. Islamism/i introduces the Islamic world's diversity, conflicts, and dilemmas—its origins, extraordinary creativity, and current crisis, the result of its unhappy encounter with Western modernity. Particular attention is given to Islamism, IslaM&Apos;s radically antimodern and often violent revision that is causing turmoil in the Middle East and beyond. Islam vs. Islamism/i introduces the reader to the Islamic world, to its diversity and conflicts, and to possible solutions to those conflicts. Steering clear of either Islamophilia or Muslim-bashing, yet avoiding blandness, Demant explains the origins of Islam, its history, and its position in today's world. After a period of extraordinary expansion and creativity, and a long sequel of decline, the Islamic world is now in deep crisis, caused by IslaM&Apos;s unhappy encounter with the West and its modernity. Islamic societies have tried a variety of approaches to escape from their predicament, but the result has only been to deepen Muslim powerlessness and Muslims' feelings of frustration. Then came Islamism (Islamic fundamentalism) with its revolutionary but antimodern proposal to refashion Muslim society after the Prophet's original model. Islamism has had unsettling results, first in IslaM&Apos;s heartlands, then along its multiple frontiers, and finally in confrontation with the West itself. Among the outcomes has been an ascending wave of terrorism. But violence is not the whole story. Extremism represents no more than a minority within Islam. Although co-existence with violent fundamentalists is a hopeless task, the questions Islamists raise are serious and evoke echoes in the hearts of many more Muslims. To prevent a war of civilizations, dialogue with the moderate majority of Muslims is more urgent than ever. This book is one step on that long road.

The Encyclopedia of Governance provides a one-stop point of reference for the diverse and complex topics surrounding governance for the period between the collapse of the post-war consensus and the rise of neoliberal regimes in the 1970s. This comprehensive resource concentrates primarily on topics related to the changing nature and role of the state in recent times and the ways in which these roles have been conceptualized in the areas of Political Science, Public Administration, Political Economy, and Sociology.

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, in 1991, the until then almost unknown Caucasus has gradually become a familiar name in each household as it attracted growing – though sporadic – media attention. The war in Chechnya, the Islamisation of the conflict and the spread of violence and terrorism to other parts of the Northern Caucasus as well as Russia – all these increased the interest in the area and the need to study it. This volume intends to present the reader with a broad sample of the growing volume and range of studies on the contemporary Northern Caucasus. With this aim in mind, the chapters in this volume cover a great variety of subjects and are written in different academic disciplines – history, political science, sociology, anthropology and demography. Also the authors come from diverse countries – the US, Sweden, Turkey, Israel and, of course, various places in Russia. Most of the chapters in this volume are based on papers presented at the Ninth Conference of the European Society for Central Asian Studies (Kraków, September 2005) and the Sixth Annual Conference of the Central Eurasian Studies Society (Boston, October 2005).

The book is "full of profound insights, stimulating reflections and ideas, and creative provocations, such as the authors' continuous scepticism towards the liberal political and state theory". Defining the multicultural state as the essential political community of the 21st century and redefining the basic concepts of the theory of state to that effect, the book may become a milestone in the history of political and state theory (Ulrich K. Preuss in the "International Journal of Constitutional Law") 2006, p. 576-581."It is a great merit of Thomas Fleiner and Lidija R. Basta Fleiner that they identify both internal changes of a personal substrate of contemporary states and the challenges of globalization not only with an astonishing seismological sensitiveness; moreover, they do it in a manner, which distinguishes their book with regard to other works on the theory of the State."

Since the civil rights era, the doctrine of nonviolence has enjoyed near-universal acceptance by the US Left. Today protest is often shaped by cooperation with state authorities—even organizers of rallies against police brutality apply for police permits, and anti-imperialists usually stop short of supporting self-defense and armed resistance. How Nonviolence Protects the State challenges the belief that nonviolence is the only way to fight for a better world. In a call bound to stir controversy and lively debate, Peter Gelderloos invites activists to consider diverse tactics, passionately arguing that exclusive nonviolence often acts to reinforce the same structures of oppression that activists seek to overthrow. Contemporary movements for social change face plenty of difficult questions, but sometimes matters of strategy and tactics receive low priority. Many North American activists fail to scrutinize the role of nonviolence