Ранним утром 1 сентября 2004 года из рощицы на одном из холмов Сунженской гряды в путь вышел отряд из 31 мужчины и двух женщин. Вышел, чтобы совершить самый кровавый акт террора после трагедии 11 сентября в Нью-Йорке. Эти люди захватили школу №1 в Беслане и убили 344 человека. Российские официальные органы как могли тормозили поток сведений о событиях. Махровым цветом расцвело памятное с советских времен искусство дезинформации. Те же сведения, что доводили до общественности прокуратура, спецслужбы, армейские и милицейские чины, отражали прежде всего стремление скрыть от чужого глаза собственные промахи. Журнал "Шпигель" предпринял попытку восстановить хронологию этих событий, включая и их предысторию. Так возникла хроника кровавого злодеяния в Беслане. Она повествует о том, что происходило в те первые дни сентября 2004 года на Северном Кавказе, в регионе, который следовало бы причислить к очагам острейших из кризисов, сотрясающих сегодня мир

В этой книге в доступной форме дано краткое описание основополагающих идей политики, объясняется 101 ключевой термин, часто встречающийся в литературе по данной отрасли знаний. Для удобства статьи идут в алфавитном порядке. Книга будет полезна для всех: и для широкого круга читателей, и для тех, кто готовится к поступлению в высшие учебные заведения, и для тех, кто уже в них учится.

The aim of this book is to provide readers with the tools to understand the historical evolution of terrorism and counterterrorism over the past 150 years. In order to appreciate the contemporary challenges posed by terrorism it is necessary to look at its evolution, at the different phases it has gone through, and the transformations it has experienced. The same applies to the solutions that states have come up with to combat terrorism: the nature of terrorism changes but still it is possible to learn from past experiences even though they are not directly applicable to the present. This book provides a fresh look at the history of terrorism by providing in-depth analysis of several important terrorist crises and the reactions to them in the West and beyond. The general framework is laid out in four parts: terrorism prior to the Cold War, the Western experience with terrorism, non-Western experiences with terrorism, and contemporary terrorism and anti-terrorism. The issues covered offer a broad range of historical and current themes, many of which have been neglected in existing scholarship; it also features a chapter on the waves phenomenon of terrorism against its international background. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism studies, political violence, international history, security studies and IR.

The tragic events of 11 September 2001 have led to an intensification of measures against terrorism both at the level of states and international organisations. New laws and resolutions have been passed in order to strengthen national and international action against terrorism. Some of these measures violate human rights and have been introduced without respect for obligatory procedures under international human rights conventions for derogations in cases of emergency. This development has given rise to much concern worldwide. In order to analyse the many (human rights) questions posed by the intensified struggle against terrorism, a symposium was organised, on the initiative of the Marangopoulos Foundation for Human Rights (MFHR) of Athens, by the European Training and Research Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (ETC) in Graz and the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna together with the MFHR. This volume brings together most of the contributions to this high-level and in-depth discussion in edited, updated form. Among the issues analysed are the dangers entailed in the new doctrine of pre-emptive wars, the issue of the prevention of terrorism through measures addressing its causes and the strengthening of human security. The volume also contains an annex with major documents relating to the question of human rights and terrorism at universal and regional levels prepared by international organisations and NGO's, which represents a useful handbook on the topic. Marangopoulos Foundation for Human Rights (MFHR).

Daniel Byman's hard-hitting and articulate book is the first to study countries that support terrorist groups. Focusing primarily on sponsors from the Middle East and South Asia, it examines the different types of support that states provide, their motivations, and the impact of such sponsorship. The book also considers regimes that allow terrorists to raise money and recruit without providing active support. The experiences of Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Libya are detailed here, alongside the histories of radical groups such as al-Qaida, Hizbullah and Hamas

The Department of Homeland Security is responsible for protecting the United States from terrorism. It does so partly through the Urban Areas Security Initiative, though its distribution has been criticized for not reflecting risk. This monograph offers a practical definition of terrorism risk and a method for estimating it that addresses inherent uncertainties. It also demonstrates a framework for evaluating alternative risk estimates. Finally, it makes five recommendations for improving resource allocation.

Vol. 1 : A - K. - 508 p.

Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), or Army of Jhangvi, is an extremist organization active in Pakistan. It allegedly has an agenda of liberation and communism. Lashhar-e-Jhangvi believes that the entire nation of Pakistan should only be comprised of a Sunni Muslim population, thus making the group a part of the overall Sunni deobandi movement. In pursuit of this goal LeJ is believed to have engaged in a variety of violent activities directed against Sh’iteMuslims in Pakistan. The U.S. Department of State designated Lashkar-e-Jhangvi as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 2003.

Liberal theories have long insisted that cultural diversity in democratic societies can be accommodated through classical liberal tools, in particular through individual rights, and they have often rejected the claims of cultural minorities for group rights as illiberal. Group Rights as Human Rights argues that such a rejection is misguided. Based on a thorough analysis of the concept of group rights, it proposes to overcome the dominant dichotomy between "individual" human rights and "collective" group rights by recognizing that group rights also serve individual interests. It also challenges the claim that group rights, so understood, conflict with the liberal principle of neutrality; on the contrary, these rights help realize the neutrality ideal as they counter cultural biases that exist in Western states. Group rights deserve to be classified as human rights because they respond to fundamental, and morally important, human interests. Reading the theories of Will Kymlicka and Charles Taylor as complementary rather than opposed, Group Rights as Human Rights sees group rights as anchored both in the value of cultural belonging for the development of individual autonomy and in each person’s need for a recognition of her identity. This double foundation has important consequences for the scope of group rights: it highlights their potential not only in dealing with national minorities but also with immigrant groups; and it allows to determine how far such rights should also benefit illiberal groups. Participation, not intervention, should here be the guiding principle if group rights are to realize the liberal promise.

Vol. 1. - 341 p.

More than ever before International Humanitarian Law needs to find new solutions to new types of conflicts. The current state of the fight against terrorism is without doubt one of the new problems facing international society and one of the concerns of International Humanitarian Law. This volume offers reflections on the international legal theory of terrorism, international responsibility, the obligation to prevent terrorist acts, terrorism in armed conflicts, the responses to terrorism by regional international organizations and the legal limits to the fight against terrorism.The contributors consist of academics (and politicians) from Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia, Lebanon and Israel , as well as from Spain, Italy, France, the United Kingdom, Switzerland and a representative for the Organisation of American States, The book thus contains a wide, multidisciplinary debate, with an emphasis on a Mediterranean perspective. In addition to examining all aspects of international terrorism, the objective of the symposium which gave rise to these essays was to establish some guidelines, in the form of a Declaration, to serve as the basis for the UN's High Level Group for the Alliance of Civilisations on the subject of international terrorism. This overall objective was achieved with the adoption of the "Huelva Declaration for an Alliance of Civilisations against Terrorism", the text of which is included at the end of this book.

The relationship between law and terrorism has re-emerged recently as a pressing issue in contemporary jurisprudence. Terrorism appears to take law to its limit, whilst the demands of counter-terrorism hold the cause of justice in contempt. At this point the case for engaging alternative intellectual approaches and resources is compelling. Ian Ward argues that through a closer appreciation of the ethical and aesthetical dimensions of terror, as well as the historical, political and cultural, we can better comprehend modern expressions and experiences of terrorism. For this reason, alongside juristic responses to modern expressions of terrorism, Law, Text, Terror examines a variety of supplementary literary texts as well as alternative intellectual approaches; from the drama of Euripides and Shakespeare, to the rhetoric and poetry of Burke and Shelley, the literary feminisms of Lessing and Rame, and the narrative existentialism of Conrad, Coetzee, Dostoevsky and DeLillo.

Asymmetric conflict is changing the way that we practise and think about war. Torture, rendition, assassination, blackmail, extortion, direct attacks on civilians, and chemical weapons are all finding their way to the battlefield despite longstanding international prohibitions. This book offers a practical guide for policy makers, military officers, students, and others who ask such questions as: Do guerillas deserve respect or long jail sentences? Are there grounds to torture guerillas for information or assassinate them on the battlefield? Is there room for nonlethal weapons to subdue militants and safeguard the lives of noncombatants? Who are noncombatants in asymmetric war? What is the status of civilians who shelter and aid guerillas? And, do guerillas have any right to attack civilians, particularly those who aid and shelter members of the stronger army? If one side can expand the scope of civilian vulnerability, then why can't the other? To read and comment on Michael Gross's blog article on the UN Human Rights Council Report on Gaza

A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the movement for German national unity at the beginning of the nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the concept to designate opposed political positions results from the character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood, something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions. Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.

Since 9/11, one of the most dominant issues in American politics has been: what exactly is a war on terror and who is in charge of it? Previous books on this topic have fallen off the horse on either side: on the right, making military actions under the Bush administration equal to previous declared wars and ceding too much war-making power to the presidency or on the left, requiring congressional approval for any national security steps at all, contradicting much of American historical precedent. Weinberger presents a novel understanding of the Declare War clause of the Constitution (Article 1, Section 8), filtering it through the AUMFs passed by Congress since 9/11 and concluding that the Presidency has wide latitude and autonomy in the overseas theaters, but not on the domestic front.