This series examines the key consequences of arbitrary border making in world history - past and present * These studies describe arbitrary borders as places where people interact differently from the way they would had the boundary not existed * Analytical, but easy to read, these brief histories will appeal to a broad sweep of readership

Circles of Resistance: Jewish, Leftist, and Youth Dissidence in Nazi Germany analyzes resistance networks of young German Jews and other young dissidents during the Nazi dictatorship. Young German-Jewish radicals created an intellectually and politically vibrant subculture in Berlin, the geographical focus of this study. The youths analyzed here were reacting not only to Nazi oppression: they were also driven to develop new modes of action and politics by their estrangement not only from German society, but also from the traditional left parties and their post-1933 underground organizations, and even from large segments of Berlin's Jewish community, where radical activism was often regarded as counter-productive and needlessly provocative. At the center of this study are the Herbert Baum groups, led by members of Germany's Communist Party (KPD). While the Baum groups were the largest, they were but one of several resistance operations that were situated partially within the milieu created by Communists, Socialists, Trotskyists, and radical Jewish youths. Based on archival research in Germany, Paris, Amsterdam, and Jerusalem, and interviews with veterans of the anti-Nazi resistance, Circles of Resistance analyzes the overlap of these diverse social and political dimensions among dissident circles and offers a reconsideration of traditional thinking on leftist and Jewish resistance and youth subcultures of the Third Reich. Circles of Resistance will be useful for undergraduate as well as graduate courses on Jewish history, Nazi Germany, and the Holocaust, as well as courses devoted to the history of European socialism.

Does democracy reduce state repression as human rights activism, funding, and policy suggest? What are the limitations of this argument? Investigating 137 countries from 1976 to 1996, State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace seeks to shed light on these questions. Specifically, it finds that electoral participation and competition generally reduces personal integrity violations like torture and mass killing; other aspects of democracy do not wield consistent influences. This negative influence can be overwhelmed by conflict, however, and thus there are important qualifications for the peace proposition.

The civil rights movement was first and foremost a struggle for racial equality, but questions of gender lay deeply embedded within this struggle. Steve Estes explores key groups, leaders, and events in the movement to understand how activists used race and manhood to articulate their visions of what American society should be. Estes demonstrates that, at crucial turning points in the movement, both segregationists and civil rights activists harnessed masculinist rhetoric, tapping into implicit assumptions about race, gender, and sexuality. Estes begins with an analysis of the role of black men in World War II and then examines the segregationists, who demonized black male sexuality and galvanized white men behind the ideal of southern honor. He then explores the militant new models of manhood espoused by civil rights activists such as Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr., and groups such as the Nation of Islam, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the Black Panther Party. Reliance on masculinist organizing strategies had both positive and negative consequences, Estes concludes. Tracing these strategies from the integration of the U.S. military in the 1940s through the Million Man March in the 1990s, he shows that masculinism rallied men to action but left unchallenged many of the patriarchal assumptions that underlay American society.

Magisterial history of the foundation of the British empire, and the forgotten story of resistance to its formation. Contrary to nationalist legend and schoolboy history lessons, the British Empire was not a great civilizing power bringing light to the darker corners of the earth. Richard Gott's magisterial work recounts the empire's misdeeds from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the Indian Mutiny, spanning the red-patched imperial globe from Ireland to Australia, telling a story of almost continuous colonialist violence. Recounting events from the perspective of the colonized, Gott unearths the all-but-forgotten stories excluded from mainstream British histories.

This book represents (to me at least) a significant culmination in my work as an art historian over a thirty-year period and some of the people who have in various ways supported me – knowingly or not – might be surprised to see their names mentioned here. An ever-increasing number of them, depressingly, are also deceased and their mention is partly offered here as a sign that the books and essays they produced were important to me and might be consulted by anyone who values my contribution and wants to investigate its relationship to work by the writers and scholars who have influenced me. I should like to thank, then: Rasheed Araeen, Paula Barreiro-López, Vivienne Barsky, Kathy Battista, Al and Myra Boime, Tim Clark, August Davis, Angela Dimitrakaki, Ed D ’ Souza, Lindsey Fryer, Barry Gibbs, Christoph Grunenberg, Charles Harrison, Helen Hills, Peter and Linda Huby, Richard Koerck, Anne MacPhee, Annie Makhoul, David Oldham, Julie Sheldon, Brandon Taylor, Colin Trodd, Alan Wallach, Judith Walsh, Ren Wendong and Nigel Whiteley. Jayne Fargnoli, commissioning editor at Wiley-Blackwell, has been warmly supportive in both critical and practical terms on this and related projects – I look forward to extending this exciting and enjoyable relationship in the years to come! Bashir Makhoul – artist, historian of Palestinian art and Head of Winchester School of Art – has been a great friend and supporter, in practical and intellectual terms. If pedagogy, research and progressive politics can ever fit together comfortably in an institutional context, then WSA International offers a compelling model for it! Fred Orton read the manuscript and offered astute commentary on both its merits and lapses. He also corrected its English in many places and for that service I am extremely grateful. Fred ’ s work and deep friendship (and that of Miranda ’ s!) has really kept me going since my days as a doctoral student. Thank you! Gudrun, William, Oliver, Claire, Jim and Jules provide an indispensable part of the nest of family relationships within which this and all my other projects have been nurtured for many years now. Tom and Kate remain enthusiastic if sometimes justifiably mystified by the world of academe! Pie was a keen supporter too: thank you all. Jane Linden ’ s intellectual pugilism has always been matched by her affection and love for me. Many of the ideas and arguments that both unite and sometimes divide us have developed in and outside this book. May this conversation long continue! Thank you, sweetheart, for listening and responding. David Craven, for many years my friend and partner in lots of ventures, died suddenly as this book was nearing completion. His wide-ranging scholarship, moral and political commitment, idealism and good humour were an inspiration to me. This book is dedicated to his memory.

Fire and Flames is no detached academic study, but a passionate, hands-on, and engaging account of the beginnings of one of Europe's most intriguing protest movements of the last thirty years. An introduction by George Katsiaficas, author of The Subversion of Politics and an afterword by Gabriel Kuhn, a long-time autonomous activist and author, add historical context and an update on the current state of the Autonomen.

Why and how do social movements emerge? In which ways are social movements analyzed? Can our understanding be enhanced by new perspectives? Making Sense of Social Movements offers a clear and comprehensive overview of the key sociological approaches to the study of social movements. The author argues that each of these approaches makes an important contribution to our understanding of social movements but that none is adequate on its own. In response he argues for a new approach which draws together key insights within the solid foundations of Pierre Bourdieu's social theory of practice. This new approach transcends the barriers that still often divide European and North American perspectives of social movements, and also those which divide recent approaches from the older 'collective behavior' approach. The result is a theoretical framework that is uniquely equipped for the demands of modern social movement analysis. The clear and concise style of the text, as well as its neat summaries of key concepts and approaches, will make this book invaluable for undergraduate courses. It will also be an essential reference for researchers.

Westerners invented social movements during the 18th century, but after that social movements became vehicles of popular politics across the world. By locating social movements in history, prize-winning social scientist Charles Tilly provides rich and often surprising insights into the origins of contemporary social movement practices, relations of social movements to democratization, and likely futures for social movements. Shows how social movements are changing, including the impact of new technologies and globalization. Traces the invention and evolution of social movements with lessons for how social movements could lose their vigor. Explores fundamental questions such as 'How does democratization really occur?' Considers the relation of movements to identity, citizenship, and capital and questions whether social movements are viable in authoritarian states. Students will appreciate Tilly's vivid examples from around the world (including a fantasy of 17th century figures John Wilkes and Samuel Adams trying to discern the effectiveness of 2003 Iraq War demonstrators).

In November 1999 the first protest movements that became associated with the anti-globalisation movement took place in Seattle, and came to be seen as the starting point for globalised resistance to neoliberal capitalism. Despite initial optimism, the following years have seen little substantial progress in formulating a coherent alternative to neoliberalism. This lack of an alternative has become particularly poignant in the aftermath of the recent credit crisis, where the neoliberal mandate that appeared to be in crisis in just 2008 has reinvented itself through the guise of a new era of austerity. In this timely book, Worth assesses the growing diversity of resistance to neoliberalism - progressive, nationalist and religious - and argues that, troublingly, the more reactionary alternatives to globalisation currently provide just as coherent a base for building opposition as those associated with the traditional left-wing anti-globalisation movements. Taking in a contrasting array of case studies from around the world - from the failures of the World Social Forum to the rise of Radical Islam, the re-emergence of the far-right in Western Europe to the startling impact of the Tea Party in the US - Worth shows that while a progressive alternative is possible, it cannot be taken for granted.

Художньо-біографічна повість про життя і мученицьку смерть Олекси Гірняка з Калуша. Довгий час у Радянському Союзі будь-яка згадка імені цієї мужньої людини кваліфікувалася як націоналізм. Михайло Іщенко, канівський краєзнавець і лікар, уперше про Олексу Гірняка розповів світові у 90-х роках. Так розпорядилася доля, що саме йому, черговому лікарю 21 січня 1978 року довелося побачити останки чоловіка, який спалився за Україну на Чернечій горі поблизу могили Тараса шевченка, прочитати рукописну листівку, в якій Олекса Гірник звинувачував радянську владу в приниженні національної гідності українців, нищенні української мови та культури.

Книга являє собою український переклад роботи видатного американського вченого Деніела Белграда і являє собою спробу осмислити культуру імпровізації та спонтанності у повоєнній Америці захоплюючи при цьому музику, художнє мистецтво, літературу та хореографію. Аналіз цих явищ подано із сторони неомарксистської філософії. «Культура спонтанності» – це синтетична історія повоєнного американського авангарду, що об’єднує такі багатоманітні рухи американської культури як абстрактний експресіонізм у живописі, поезія Блек Маунтіну і бітників, бібоп-джаз, експериментальний танець і кераміка. Автор показує, що це широке розмаїття мистецьких практик насправді мало одну спільну тему – спонтанну імпровізацію. Елегантна аргументація і прекрасні ілюстрації «Культури спонтанності» суттєво ревізують наші уявлення про деякі з найважливіших голосів тієї доби. З-поміж багатьох цікавих прикладів, книга описує те, як картини Джексона Поллока перетинаються з історією сучасного танцю, і пояснює їхній зв’язок з тим, що бітники захоплювались дзен-буддизмом і бібопом. Досліджуючи твори багатьох ключових культурних постатей — таких як поети Чарльз Олсон, Вільям Карлос Вільямс, Джек Керуак, Аллен Ґінзберг і ЛеРой Джонс, художники Роберт Мазервелл, Джексон Поллок і Віллем де Кунінг, гончар Пітер Вулкос, танцівник Мерс Каннінгем і джазист Чарлі Паркер, — Деніел Белград переконливо доводить те, що спонтанне мистецтво знаходилось на передньому краї повоєнної американської думки.

Книга социолога Александра Бикбова — это результат многолетнего изучения автором российского и советского общества, а также фундаментальное введение в историческую социологию понятий. Анализ масштабных социальных изменений соединяется здесь с детальным исследованием связей между понятиями из публичного словаря разных периодов. Автор проясняет устройство российского общества последних 20 лет, социальные взаимодействия и борьбу, которые разворачиваются вокруг понятий «средний класс», «демократия», «российская наука», «русская нация». Читатель также получает возможность ознакомиться с революционным научным подходом к изучению советского периода, воссоздающим неочевидные обстоятельства социальной и политической истории понятий «научно-технический прогресс», «всесторонне развитая личность», «социалистический гуманизм», «социальная проблема». Редкое в российских исследованиях внимание уделено роли академической экспертизы в придании смысла политическому режиму. Исследование охватывает время от эпохи общественного подъема последней трети XIX в. до митингов протеста, начавшихся в 2011 г. Раскрытие сходств и различий в российской и европейской (прежде всего французской) социальной истории придает исследованию особую иллюстративность и глубину. Книгу отличают теоретическая новизна, нетривиальные исследовательские приемы, ясность изложения и блестящая систематизация автором обширного фактического материала. Она встретит несомненный интерес у социологов и историков России и СССР, социальных лингвистов, философов, студентов и аспирантов, изучающих российское общество, а также у широкого круга образованных и критически мыслящих читателей.