Добро пожаловать в полное приключений путешествие, где вы сможете открыть для себя и понять, как вы действуете на метауровне, который влияет на вашу повседневную жизнь! Освоение метапрограмм позволит вам понимать поведение людей и различия между ними, откроет возможность варьировать ваше поведение и способы коммуникации, чтобы более успешно работать с собственным и чужим поведением и моделями мира, а также изменять их. Метапрограммы - это величайший вклад, который НЛП внесло в понимание различий между людьми. Только поняв и оценив эти различия, мы можем начать уважать и поддерживать других людей, начать работу по замене враждебности пониманием, а антагонизма - состраданием, приступить к замене конфликта сотрудничеством.

11-12 квітня 2003 року Посольство Республіки Польща в Україні та польсько-український клуб “Без упереджень” провели експертно-журналістський форум на тему: “Події на Волині: як жити з цим тягарем?” У форумі взяли участь близько 80 експертів і журналістів з України та Польщі. Форум проходив в Національному університеті “Острозька академія”. У першій частині книжки вміщено деякі виступи та тези учасників форуму. Друга частина книжки презентує передрук статей за період квітень-липень 2003 року, які були опубліковані в українських та польських друкованих ЗМІ. Відзначення 60-ї річниці трагічних подій на Волині було важливим випробуванням міцності і єдності польської політики по відношенню до України. Основи нашої політики переконують в тому, іцо Польща і Україна мають перед собою перспективу на сучасність та майбутнє. І успіх полягає в тому, що інтерпретація польсько-українських подій не стала головним критерієм польсько-українського сьогодення, особливо з огляду на суперечку щодо історії подій на Волині, якій ми надали шляхетну форму і спрямували зусилля до народного поєднання, так, як це було зроблено у спільній заяві Президентів Республіки Польща і України “До порозуміння і єднання” п’ять років тому.

This book is a gripping account of the murky world of the international oil industry and its role in world politics. Scandals about oil are familiar to most of us. From George W. Bush's election victory to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, US politics and oil enjoy a controversially close relationship. The US economy relies upon the cheap and unlimited supply of this single fuel. William Engdahl takes the reader through a history of the oil industry's grip on the world economy. His revelations are startling.

The historical separation between Judaism and Christianity is often figured as a clearly defined break of a single entity into two separate religions. Following this model, there would have been one religion known as Judaism before the birth of Christ, which then took on a hybrid identity. Even before its subsequent division, certain beliefs and practices of this composite would have been identifiable as Christian or Jewish.In Border Lines, however, Daniel Boyarin makes a striking case for a very different way of thinking about the historical development that is the partition of Judaeo-Christianity. There were no characteristics or features that could be described as uniquely Jewish or Christian in late antiquity, Boyarin argues. Rather, Jesus-following Jews and Jews who did not follow Jesus lived on a cultural map in which beliefs, such as that in a second divine being, and practices, such as keeping kosher or maintaining the Sabbath, were widely and variably distributed. The ultimate distinctions between Judaism and Christianity were imposed from above by "border-makers," heresiologists anxious to construct a discrete identity for Christianity. By defining some beliefs and practices as Christian and others as Jewish or heretical, they moved ideas, behaviors, and people to one side or another of an artificial border—and, Boyarin significantly contends, invented the very notion of religion.

Though traditionally regarded as a peaceful religion, Buddhism has a dark side. On multiple occasions over the past fifteen centuries, Buddhist leaders have sanctioned violence, and even war. The eight essays in this book focus on a variety of Buddhist traditions, from antiquity to the present, and show that Buddhist organizations have used religious images and rhetoric to support military conquest throughout history. Buddhist soldiers in sixth century China were given the illustrious status of Bodhisattva after killing their adversaries. In seventeenth century Tibet, the Fifth Dalai Lama endorsed a Mongol ruler's killing of his rivals. And in modern-day Thailand, Buddhist soldiers carry out their duties undercover, as fully ordained monks armed with guns. Buddhist Warfare demonstrates that the discourse on religion and violence, usually applied to Judaism, Islam, and Christianity, can no longer exclude Buddhist traditions. The book examines Buddhist military action in Tibet, China, Korea, Japan, Mongolia, Sri Lanka, and Thailand, and shows that even the most unlikely and allegedly pacifist religious traditions are susceptible to the violent tendencies of man.

A collection of case studies of nine African countries, "Civil Wars in Africa" provides a comparative perspective on the causes of civil war and the processes by which internal conflict may be resolved or averted. The book focuses on the wars in Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda as well as the experiences of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, where civil war was averted, to underline conditions under which conflict can most successfully be managed. John Kiyaga-Nsubuga focuses on Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement regime's attempt to bring peace to Uganda. John Prendergast and Mark Duffield look at Ethiopia's long civil war and the role of liberation politics and external engagement. Bruce Jones studies the ethnic roots of the civil war in Rwanda. Elwood Dunn explores political manipulation and ethnic differences as causes of civil strife in Liberia. John Saul examines the role of Western powers in establishing peace in Mozambique. Hussein Adam describes the collapse of the authoritarian regime in Somalia and the subsequent rise of inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry. Taisier Ali and Robert Matthews argue that the forty-year conflict in Sudan is much more complex than the usual view that it results from the pitting of the Arab, Islamic North against the African, Christian South. Shifting the focus to how internal unrest may be managed, Hevina Dashwood examines government initiatives undertaken to maintain stability in Zimbabwe and Cranford Pratt describes the policies and institutions developed by Nyerere that enabled Tanzania to avoid ethnic, regional, and religious factionalism and intra-elite rivalries. James Busumtwi-Sam explores multilateral third-party intervention, highlighting the changing role of the OAU and the United Nations and their effectiveness in averting war. The concluding chapter draws together findings from the individual case studies and incorporates them into the larger corpus of the literature. Taisier M. Ali, formerly professor of political economy at the University of Khartoum, is presently a visiting scholar in the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto. Robert O. Matthews is professor of political science, University of Toronto.

I am grateful for the indispensable help of these people: Professor James Connolly, Soteris Geogallis (Cyprus High Commission, London), Sindy Goldberg (South Africa House, London), the late Brigadier Michael Harbottle, Malcolm Harper (United Nations Association UK), Walter Kirwan (Secretary-General, Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, Dublin), Dr Carolyn Kitching, Dr Riika Kuusisto (University of Helsinki), Simon Partridge, the late Dr Dick Richardson, Mrs Aileen Spencer (Corrymeela Link, Reading), Simon Whitby (University of Bradford Department of Peace Studies), Marianne Whittaker, Dr Robin Wilson (University of Sussex). I am most thankful to members of staff of the Catholic Institute for International Relations, London; the European Commission, London; and in Belfast to staff at the Fair Employment Commission, the Industrial Development Board and the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Librarians in the Universities of Bradford, Durham and Teesside and at the United Nations Information Centre, London, have resourcefully and readily dealt with my many enquiries. I am indebted particularly to the Series Editors at Routledge, Professor Eric Evans and Dr Ruth Henig, for invaluable advice and support. Heather McCallum, Senior Editor at Routledge, has indefatigably seen the project through. And Jane Thompson has once again most effectively produced the manuscript.

Conflict, bullying and harassment can destroy the foundations of the most enterprising organisations. Bullying is now a key complaint received by HR departments. Destructive conflict creates stress, which can lead to poor morale and performance, increased staff turnover and an overall decline in organisational effectiveness. The good news is destructive conflict can be reduced – but this is a sensitive issue, requiring managers to call on tried and tested techniques. Published for HR and line managers, IRS Managing Conflict in the Workplace will help employers to recognise and resolve destructive conflict issues more effectively, enabling them to become more positive, productive and efficient. It gives invaluable advice on conflict prevention, mediation and negotiation; it explains how to manage conflict in a wide variety of situations; and includes guidance on the new statutory requirements for disciplinary and grievance procedures.

Pakistan and the United States have been locked in a deadly embrace for decades. Successive American presidents from both parties have pursued narrow short-term interests in the South Asian nation, and many of the resulting policies proved counterproductive in the long term, contributing to political instability and a radicalized public. This background has helped set the stage for the global jihad confronting much of the world today. In "Deadly Embrace," Bruce Riedel explores the forces behind these developments, explaining how and why the history of Pakistan-U.S. relations has unfolded as it has. He explains what the United States can do now to repair the damage and how it can avoid making similar mistakes in dealing with extremist forces in Pakistan and beyond. Riedel is one of America's foremost authorities on U.S. security, South Asia, and terrorism, and he helped to craft President Obama's 2009 speech referring to the Pakistan-Afghanistan borderlands as the "most dangerous region of the world." He follows up "The Search for al Qaeda," his influential 2008 analysis of the terror network's ideology and leadership, with a sober, authoritative, and sometimes alarming look at the history, importance, and current role of Pakistan, epicenter of the global jihad movement, beginning with the history of U.S.-Pakistan relations since the partitioning of the subcontinent in 1947. The relationship between Pakistan and America is a fascinating yet muddled story, meandering through periods of friendship and enmity, symbiosis and distrust: it's no wonder that people in both nations are confused. "Deadly Embrace" explains how the United States, on several occasions, actually helped the foes of democracy in Pakistan and aided in the development of the very enemies it is now fighting in the region. The book seeks to unravel this paradox, revealing and interpreting the tortuous path of relations between two very different nations, which remain, in many ways, stuck with each other.

This book is a critical introduction to discourse analysis as it is practised in a variety of different disciplines today, from linguistics and sociolinguistics to sociology and cultural studies. The author shows how concern with the analysis of discourse can be combined, in a systematic and fruitful way, with an interest in broader problems of social analysis and social change. Fairclough provides a concise and critical review of the methods and results of discourse analysis, discussing the descriptive work of linguists and conversation analysts as well as the more historically and theoretically oriented work of Michel Foucault. He develops an original framework for discourse analysis which firmly situates discourse in a broader context of social relations bringing together text analysis, the analysis of processes of text production and interpretation, and the social analysis of discourse events.