In February 1933, Adolf Hitler had only a tenuous grasp on power. Chancellor of Germany for merely four weeks, he led a fragile coalition government. The Nazis had lost seats in the Reichstag in the recent election, and claimed only three of thirteen cabinet posts. Then on February 27th, arson sent the Reichstag, the home and symbol of German democracy, up in flames. Immediately blaming the Communists, Hitler's new government approved a decree that tore the heart out of the democratic constitution of the Weimar Republic and cancelled the rule of law. Five thousand people were immediately arrested. The Reichstag fire marked the true beginning of the Third Reich, which ruled for 12 more years. The controversy surrounding the fire's origins has endured for 80. In Burning the Reichstag, Benjamin Hett offers a gripping account of Hitler's rise to dictatorship-one that challenges orthodoxy and recovers the true significance of the part the fire played. At the scene the police arrested 23-year-old Marinus van der Lubbe, a Dutch Communist stonemason. Though he was initially dismissed abroad as a Nazi tool, post-war historians since the 1950s have largely judged him solely guilty-a lone arsonist exploited by Hitler. Hett's book reopens the case, providing vivid portraits of key figures, including Rudolf Diels, Hermann Goering, Joseph Goebbels, and the historian Fritz Tobias, whose account of the fire has, until now, been the standard. Making use of a number of new sources and archives, Hett sets the Reichstag fire in a wider context, revealing how and why it has remained one of the last mysteries of the Nazi period, and one of the most controversial and contested events in the 20th century.

Under Stalin's leadership, the Soviet government carried out a massive number of deportations, incarcerations, and executions. Paradoxically, at the very moment that Soviet authorities were killing thousands of individuals, they were also engaged in an enormous pronatalist campaign to boost the population. Even as the number of repressions grew exponentially, Communist Party leaders enacted sweeping social welfare and public health measures to safeguard people's well-being. Extensive state surveillance of the population went hand in hand with literacy campaigns, political education, and efforts to instill in people an appreciation of high culture. In Cultivating the Masses, David L. Hoffmann examines the Party leadership's pursuit of these seemingly contradictory policies in order to grasp fully the character of the Stalinist regime, a regime intent on transforming the socioeconomic order and the very nature of its citizens. To analyze Soviet social policies, Hoffmann places them in an international comparative context. He explains Soviet technologies of social intervention as one particular constellation of modern state practices. These practices developed in conjunction with the ambitions of nineteenth-century European reformers to refashion society, and they subsequently prompted welfare programs, public health initiatives, and reproductive regulations in countries around the world. The mobilizational demands of World War I impelled political leaders to expand even further their efforts at population management, via economic controls, surveillance, propaganda, and state violence. Born at this moment of total war, the Soviet system institutionalized these wartime methods as permanent features of governance. Party leaders, whose dictatorship included no checks on state power, in turn attached interventionist practices to their ideological goal of building socialism.

Despite the tendency of history to repeat itself, some eras are truly unique, the Chinese Cultural Revolution being a case in point. This was not a revolution, nor was it a civil war; it probably came closer to a free-forall. There were different sides, but the membership constantly changed, new ruling class against old ruling class, have-nots against haves, young against elders, uneducated against educated, countryside against city— just some of the dividing lines. This was exacerbated by ideology, but power was an even stronger drive. Some of the slogans of the time probably defi ne it just as well, such as “turning the world upside down to create a new world,” and it did look as if the monkey god had been let loose. Yet, even then, someone was pulling the strings and this someone was an aging Mao Zedong, unwilling to tolerate any rival and even to trust old comrades. For the greater part of the decade 1966–1976, the Cultural Revolution wreaked havoc in the world’s largest society, undermining the party, government, and army, weakening the economy, society, and culture, and affecting China’s 800 million people and harming or destroying an eighth of the population. The strongest hope among most of the survivors was never to live through such a period again and to make it truly unique. Given the confusion that reigned at the time and the uncertainty about many events that still prevails today, it is essential to have a book like this Historical Dictionary of the Chinese Cultural Revolution to help clear up some of the points. This book does not claim to be the last word, which is defi nitely in its favor, but it brings us another step closer to understanding what still remains an extremely convoluted and confusing era. This it does, fi rst, through a chronology tracing the events showing at least what happened and when. The introduction then endeavours to fl esh out the chronology by putting events and people in their places and showing how these events and people relate to one another. The countless details are extensively elucidated in entries on signifi cant persons, places and institutions, the more momentous events, the political and ideological movements, and much more. Since this did take place in China, the glossary is a useful tool for those researching it in Chinese. For those who want to know more, the bibliography is an excellent starting point.

Махно - один із найяскравіших лідерів українського народу, якого радянська пропаганда називала бандитом, а справу його замовчувала. Зараз Нестора Махна порівнюють з Робін Гудом, Спартаком, товаришем Че. Виходець з найбіднішого селянства, він у 29 років зумів зібрати під прапором анархії 100-тисячну армію і почав створювати на південному сході України анархістське суспільство - трудову федерацію, яка проіснувала 100 днів під постійними ударами білих і червоних. Через 70 років після смерті цей степовий вовк став культовою фігурою серед сучасної молоді Європи, а ідеї анархізму, які сповідував Махно, у наш час перекочували з робітничих бараків до арт-богемних тусовок. Ким же був Махно у реальному житті? На це питання і дає відповідь нова книга Віктора Савченка, що присвячена одному з найвідоміших українців ХХ ст.

This book bears witness to a small crusade, which, like most crusades, failed in its proximate goal: Walter Duranty is still the holder of record for the Pulitzer Prize for “foreign reporting” in 1932 even though it is now all but universally acknowledged that his reports from the USSR in the early 1930s were essentially a whitewash of Joseph Stalin and his regime. Some of the details of this misreporting are related within. But the crusade had a larger goal: to make the world in general and North Americans in particular, more aware of the special horrors that were inflicted on the people of Ukraine by the Stalin and his henchmen. This larger goal, it seems to me, has been achieved. Hundreds of column inches of newsprint in some of the continent’s leading newspapers and abroad have been devoted to describing the anti-Duranty campaign. In the process more was published about the sufferings of the Ukrainian people in the early 1930s then in seventy odd years since they should have been, but were not, front page news in those outlets. What massive public relations effort produced this latter result and at what cost? The crusade was born in the fertile brain of a Canadian academic, Professor Lubomyr Luciuk, of Canada’s Royal Military College. The son of Ukrainian political refugees granted asylum in Canada, he is the leading historian of the injustices done to Ukrainian immigrants interned under intolerable conditions by Canada during the First World War and he is concerned with the past and present of ethnic Ukrainians everywhere. His total effort on the anti-Duranty matter did not cost more than a few thousand dollars. To be sure he had allies, most of them in Ukrainian Canadian and Ukrainian American communities, but the initial push and most of the drive flowed out of Luciuk’s Kingston, Ontario base.

This book is designed to provide an accessible survey of the history of propaganda from 1500 to the present. After a historical introduction by David Welch outlining the development of propaganda, the encyclopedia presents more than 250 entries. These include geographic entries examining a country such as Britain or Portugal or—where the propaganda history is either less clearly delineated along national lines or the scholarship to date in English is more limited—a region such as Scandinavia or Latin America. We have tried to be as geographically comprehensive as possible. Case-study entries present events or movements, from abolitionism to Zionism. Technique entries deal with a particular method, such as posters, portraiture, or music; film and radio entries both have multiple subdivisions, reflecting the special role of these media in twentiethcentury propaganda. Concept entries define and explain terms used by and about propagandists: black propaganda, brainwashing, and so forth. The long entry “Propaganda, Definitions of ” offers multiple definitions of the term. This encyclopedia includes entries devoted to individuals connected with propaganda, from Martin Luther to Osama bin Laden, as well as entries for some of the key institutions of propaganda—such as the Office of War Information (OWI) in the United States during World War II—and some of the best-known documents and artifacts of propaganda (such as the film Casablanca and the novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin). Each entry contains suggestions for further reading, which generally also served as the chief sources for quotations and factual or other details within the entry. Most propaganda agencies—for example, the CIA or the BBC—are better known by their initials than their full names and are therefore listed that way.

История ТЕХНО, самого нашумевшего стиля электронной музыки. Музыкальный стиль, одним своим названием подразумевающий некую механизированность, соответственно – монотонность и отточенность процесса, будь-то производство на сталелитейном заводе или многотысячный open air. Можно сколько угодно упрекать создателей и адептов стиля в ограниченности и агрессивности звучания, в деструктивном влиянии чередующихся звуков на психику и разлагающем влиянии мероприятий, пропагандирующих данную субкультуру, но эти упреки имеют смысл только для тех, кто их произносит. Techno – один из немногих стилей, который повлиял на мировоззрение целого поколения или, выражаясь словами исследователей, являл собой культуро-антропологический феномен.

Over the years I have incurred debts to many individuals in the preparation of this work. I have benefited from discussions with several colleagues, who were generous with their time and encouragement. Among these are Jeremy Noakes, Volker Berghahn, Richard Evans and John Hiden. I would like in particular to thank Ian Kershaw who read and made valuable comments on the manuscript. I would also like to thank Andrew Wheatcroft of Routledge for his support. I am indebted to the secretarial staff at Rutherford College, University of Kent for their unstinting assistance in helping me produce the Document Section. Finally, I would like to thank my wife Anne who was excessively patient and understanding during the researching and writing of this book. Without her loving support this book could not have been written. It is to our children, Chris and Lizzie, that I would like to dedicate this work, not least for the manner in which, in their own ways, they have tolerated their father’s preoccupation with history and even developed a resigned sense of humour.

War was a defining feature of the twentieth century. A vast percentage of the people of the last century were participants or victims in one way or another of the endless stream of civil and interstate wars that characterized this era. These wars and their consequences were accompanied by unprecedented levels of ethnic cleansing and genocide. I am just old enough to remember WorldWar II, which had a profound impact onmy choice of career, discipline and research agenda. I have authored numerous books and articles on various aspects of conflict management and resolution. I have written about intelligence failures and bad crisis management responsible for wars. More recently, in A Cultural Theory of International Relations, I use the origins and dynamics of ancient and modern wars to elaborate and evaluate a broader set of arguments about systematic variation in the propensity and character of cooperation, conflict and risk-taking. In this book, I turn to war itself, with the goal of analyzing its causes in the past and the likelihood that they will diminish as motives for war in the future.

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События «Большого террора» только в небольшой своей части выходили на поверхность общественной жизни: в советской печати появлялась информация лишь о больших и – на местном уровне – о малых показательных процессах, сопровождавшихся погромной пропагандой. Личный опыт человека, попавшего в жернова репрессий, также не мог раскрыть общей картины происходящего. Тем самым, масштаб, структура и механизмы репрессий оставались скрытыми как для большинства современников (за исключением, разумеется, «авторов» и главных исполнителей террора), так и для нескольких поколений историков. Сейчас совокупность доступных источников дает возможность разглядеть чертеж «Большого террора» более или менее отчетливо. Однако в данной хронике мы не стремились представить этот чертеж, как связное целое, – наша задача была значительно скромнее: дать представление о последовательности репрессивных событий, сопроводив главные из них минимальным комментарием. Хроника базируется, преимущественно, на документах ЦК ВКП(б) и НКВД СССР — прежде всего на директивах, регламентировавших динамику репрессий, их идеологические, количественные и процессуальные параметры. Персональный аспект репрессий мы не подчеркивали совершенно сознательно: у каждой семьи, у каждого сообщества – своя хроника трагических дат, свой мартиролог, и не наше дело решать, кто из сотен тысяч невинных жертв заслуживает, а кто не заслуживает упоминания (мы упоминаем лишь имена «архитекторов» террора, а также фигурантов «показательных процессов» — акций, которые имели явное политическое значение и играли роль символического устрашения).

Дисертація присвячена дослідженню процеса становлення, розбудови та функціонування урядової пропагандистсько-інформаційно-пресової служби доби української революції та визвольних змагань 1917-1920 рр. Проведено комплексне дослідження та аналіз урядової інформаційно-видавничої діяльності означеного періоду. З’ясовано, що урядові чинники надавали важливого значення проблемі пропаганди української ідеї та інформаційної роботи в масах, про що свідчать законодавчі акти та створення відповідних урядових структур та відповідної інфраструктури інформаційної діяльності, але в силу як об’єктивних, так і суб’єктивних причин створити систему урядового інформування не змогли, що і стало однією з причин поразки визвольних змагань. Ці процеси були характерними для урядів усіх державних формацій 1917-1920 рр. Ключові слова: інформаційна діяльність, громадська думка, зовнішнє інформування, урядова преса, агітаційно-пропагандистська робота, видавнича справа, інформаційна політика, цензура.

У підручнику показано еволюцію інформаційно-психологічного протиборства. Розкрито сутність, методи і засоби ведення інформаційних війн, спеціальних інформаційних операцій та акцій інформаційного впливу. Для студентів і викладачів, а також наукових працівників вищих навчальних закладів гуманітарної спрямованості.

Т.1. - 1990. - 319 с.