Spectres de Marx commence par la critique d'un nouveau dogmatisme, c'est-à-dire d'une intolérance : « Tout le monde le sait, sachez-le, le marxisme est mort, Marx aussi, n'en doutons plus. » Un « ordre du monde » tente de stabiliser une hégémonie fragile dans l'évidence d'un « acte de décès ». Le discours maniaque qui domine alors a la forme jubilatoire et obscène que Freud attribue à une-phase triomphante dans le travail du deuil. (Refrain de l'incantation « le cadavre se décompose en lieu sûr, qu'il ne revienne plus, vive le capital, vive le marché, survive le libéralisme économique ! »). Exorcisme et conjuration. Une dénégation tente de neutraliser la nécessité spectrale, mais aussi l'avenir d'« un » « esprit » du marxisme. « Un » « esprit»: l'hypothèse de cet essai, c'est qu'il y en a plus d'un. La responsabilité finie de l'héritier est vouée au crible. Elle réaffirme un possible et non l'autre. Comment ce discernement critique se rapporte-t-il à l'exigence hypercritique - ou plutôt déconstructrice - de la responsabilité?

Courtois, director of research at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), leads the efforts of major scholars associated with the CNRS, who drew on recently opened Soviet archives to track the atrocities of communism worldwide over the last century. Concluding that communism's death toll stands at 85 to 100 million, they wonder forcefully why such "class genocide" is excused more easily than the Nazis' "race genocide." This book burned a hole in the French Left when it was published and also hit the best sellers lists. Not easy reading, but a seminal document.

Т. 1 : From anarchy to anarchism (300 CE To 1939). - 2005. - 538 p.

Socialism has been one of the most resilient modern sociopolitical ideologies. At a time when communism has been “defeated,” socialism has continued growing and, if anything, gained from communism’s losses. But it still faces incessant criticism from capitalism and neoliberalism and is experiencing difficulty in some places. There is considerable concern among the leadership and sometimes friction with the rank and file, and everybody seems to call for reform, although agreement on just what that means in practice is hard to achieve. Yet, part of this “crisis” is only apparent because many of the early goals of socialism have become so much a part of the general consensus that they are hardly recognized as socialist any more. Among these are the need to overcome unemployment, improve the conditions of labor, create more egalitarian societies,ensure some form of welfare, and provide opportunities for all groups in society to express their o pinions.

In the early 1960s, American conservatives seemed to have fallen on hard times. McCarthyism was on the run, and movements on the political left were grabbing headlines. The media lampooned John Birchers's accusations that Dwight Eisenhower was a communist puppet. Mainstream America snickered at warnings by California Congressman James B. Utt that "barefooted Africans" were training in Georgia to help the United Nations take over the country. Yet, in Utt's home district of Orange County, thousands of middle-class suburbanites proceeded to organize a powerful conservative movement that would land Ronald Reagan in the White House and redefine the spectrum of acceptable politics into the next century. Suburban Warriors introduces us to these people: women hosting coffee klatches for Barry Goldwater in their tract houses; members of anticommunist reading groups organizing against sex education; pro-life Democrats gradually drawn into conservative circles; and new arrivals finding work in defense companies and a sense of community in Orange County's mushrooming evangelical churches. We learn what motivated them and how they interpreted their political activity. Lisa McGirr shows that their movement was not one of marginal people suffering from status anxiety, but rather one formed by successful entrepreneurial types with modern lifestyles and bright futures. She describes how these suburban pioneers created new political and social philosophies anchored in a fusion of Christian fundamentalism, xenophobic nationalism, and western libertarianism. While introducing these rank-and-file activists, McGirr chronicles Orange County's rise from "nut country" to political vanguard. Through this history, she traces the evolution of the New Right from a virulent anticommunist, anti-establishment fringe to a broad national movement nourished by evangelical Protestantism. Her original contribution to the social history of politics broadens--and often upsets--our understanding of the deep and tenacious roots of popular conservatism in America.

The Ukrainian Cossacks, often compared in historical literature to the pirates of the Mediterranean and the frontiersmen of the American West, constituted one of the largest Cossack hosts in the European steppe borderland. They became famous as ferocious warriors, their fighting skills developed in their religious wars against the Tartars, Turks, Poles, and Russians. By and large the Cossacks were Orthodox Christians, and quite early in their history they adopted a religious ideology in their struggle against those of other faiths. Their acceptance of the Muscovite protectorate in 1654 was also influenced by their religious ideas. This study examines the confessionalisation of religious life in early modern period Ukraine, and shows how Cossack involvement in the religious struggle between Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism helped shape cultural identities not only in the Ukraine but also in Russia and Poland.

The publication of this book comes at a propitious time when research in the history of Egyptology in the first half of the twentieth century, long neglected, receives for the first time the attention it deserves. It presents five studies previously published as a thematic issue of the Journal of Egyptian History (5/2012). The idea to produce such a thematic collection of studies was first conceived by the editors who were working on comprehensive treatments of Fredrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bissing’s political involvement during the First World War and German Egyptology underNational Socialism, respectively. Lindsay Ambridge whose work focused on the scholarship of James Henry Breasted in the context of racial ideologies of the early 20th century, could be persuaded to contribute to the volume. The person competent to place these studies and their significance in context was Edmund Meltzer who wrote the thoughtful introductory chapter. When these studies were ready to be published in late 2011, the death of Manfred Mayrhofer, patron of the study of Indo-Aryans in the Ancient Near East, prompted Peter Raulwing to add a concluding chapter. More than an obituary, it also reflects on the twentieth century ideological context of scholarly interest in the question of Indo-Aryans in the Ancient Near East, making it a suitable final chapter. The editors and authors of this volume express their hope that their studies help to understand the interplay of academe and politics, and the profile of scholarly biographies between 1914 and 1945.

Law, Labor, and Ideology in the Early American Republic is a fundamental reinterpretation of law and politics in America between 1790 and 1850, the crucial period of the Republic's early growth and its movement toward industrialism. The book is the most detailed study yet available of the intellectual and institutional processes that created the foundation categories framing all the basic legal relationships involving working people at work. But it also brings out the political and social significance of those categories, and of law's role in their creation. Tomlins argues that it is impossible to understand outcomes in the interaction between law and labor during the early Republic unless one also understands the preeminence that legal discourse was assuming at the time in American society as a whole, and the particular social and political reasons for that preeminence. Because of the breadth and novelty of its interpretation this is a book not just for those interested in the history of law or the history of labor, but for anyone interested in the broad stream of American political and social history.

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В книге доктора исторических наук А. С. Бланка освещается история зарождения и развития фашизма в Германии. Автор вскрывает истоки и социальные корни фашизма, сущность его человеконенавистнической идеологии, причины ее распространения и влияния на массы. В книге разоблачаются многочисленные вымыслы и легенды буржуазной историографии о раннем фашизме в Германии, попытки ее реабилитации реакционными историками. Приводя факты усиливающейся активности неофашизма в ФРГ и ряде других западноевропейских стран, автор подчеркивает черты его зловещего сходства с ранним фашизмом.

У монографії досліджуються повсякденні прояви та трансформації релігійної свідомості віруючих УРСР впродовж періоду від середини 1940-х до середини 1980-х років, соціокультурні впливи, яких вона зазнавала. Автор аналізує уявлення віруючих про причини їхньої релігійності, релігійні почуття, настрої, переживання. Значна увага приділяється розгляду уявлень віруючих про Бога, віри в нього, уявлень про потойбічне життя, спасіння, пекло, рай тощо, знання віруючими церковного віровчення, їхнього ставлення до церковних обрядів. Висвітлюється існування язичницьких світоглядних елементів у віруваннях і традиціях українського народу, функціонування елементів радянської ідеології як квазірелігійних. Автор також зупиняється на тому, як релігійна віра та світогляд впливали на ставлення віруючих до праці, побутової сфери, культурних цінностей, виконання громадянських обов’язків тощо. Книга розрахована на науковців, викладачів та студентів, усіх, хто цікавиться історією України.

Книга надає короткий огляд життя В'ячеслава Липинського та приділяє головну увагу його головним соціально-політичним поглядам. Детально аналізує створену ним ідеологію української класократичної монархії.

В книге разоблачаются сущность, цели и средства психологической войны империализма, острие которой направлено против СССР и других социалистических стран. Рассказывается о центрах, аппарате органах психологической войны стран НАТО, прежде всего США, и их вооруженных сил. В монографии особое внимание уделяется вопросам развертывания идеологического наступления против империализма, гегемонизма, милитаризма и реакции, воспитания у советских людей, воинов Вооруженных Сил морально-политической и психологической стойкости, готовности к противодействию любым идеологическим диверсиям. Книга рассчитана на офицеров Вооруженных Сил, а также на гражданских пропагандистов.

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XXI век войдет в историю новоевропейской цивилизации как время исторического вызова и время поиска достойного ответа на этот вызов. Старая шкала ценностных ориентиров общественного развития уже не работает, а новая еще не сложилась. Наиболее сложна ситуация в странах посткоммунистического пространства, где продолжаются трансформационные процессы. Этим объясняется пристальное внимание к идее гражданского общества и возможности ее осуществления в новых условиях. Также выражается убеждение, что перспективы России в третьем тысячелетии возможны только под знаком гражданского согласия. Издание предназначено для тех, кто заинтересовался идеей гражданского общества в ее современном изложении и хотел бы расширить свои представления об этой перспективной возможности развития России.