Liberal theories have long insisted that cultural diversity in democratic societies can be accommodated through classical liberal tools, in particular through individual rights, and they have often rejected the claims of cultural minorities for group rights as illiberal. Group Rights as Human Rights argues that such a rejection is misguided. Based on a thorough analysis of the concept of group rights, it proposes to overcome the dominant dichotomy between "individual" human rights and "collective" group rights by recognizing that group rights also serve individual interests. It also challenges the claim that group rights, so understood, conflict with the liberal principle of neutrality; on the contrary, these rights help realize the neutrality ideal as they counter cultural biases that exist in Western states. Group rights deserve to be classified as human rights because they respond to fundamental, and morally important, human interests. Reading the theories of Will Kymlicka and Charles Taylor as complementary rather than opposed, Group Rights as Human Rights sees group rights as anchored both in the value of cultural belonging for the development of individual autonomy and in each person’s need for a recognition of her identity. This double foundation has important consequences for the scope of group rights: it highlights their potential not only in dealing with national minorities but also with immigrant groups; and it allows to determine how far such rights should also benefit illiberal groups. Participation, not intervention, should here be the guiding principle if group rights are to realize the liberal promise.

Kudelia S. Revolutionary Bargain: the Unmaking of Ukraine's Autocracy through Pacting. - 78-101 p.

In 2000 a beheaded journalist was found in a remote forest near Kyiv. The corpse led to a scandal when it was revealed that it was that of a journalist critical of the authorities. The President was heard on tapes made covertly in his office ordering violence to be undertaken against the journalist. The scandal led to the creation of a wide protest movement that culminated in the victory of democratic opposition parties in 2002. The democratic opposition, led by its presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko, fought a bitter and fraudulent election campaign in 2004 during which he was poisoned. Widespread election fraud led to Europe's largest protest movement since the Cold War which became known as the Orange Revolution, known after the campaign colour of the democratic opposition. This book is the first to provide a collection of studies surveying different aspects of the rise of the Ukraine's democratic opposition from marginalization, to protest against presidential abuse of office and culminating in the Orange Revolution. It integrates the Kuchmagate crisis of 2000-2001 with that of the Orange Revolution four years later providing a rich, detailed and original study of the origins of the Orange Revolution.

Hа пiдставi бaгатьox дoкументiв i свiдчень автop встановлює, щo Голодомор 1932-1933 pp. в укpаїнськoмy селi являв сoбoю результат замaскoванoї пiд хлiбoзaгoтiвлi кapaльнoї aкцiї з вилyчення у селян всього нaявнoгo y них пpoдовольства. B книзi дoведенo, щo Стaлiн зaстосовував цю терористичну акцію в ситуації гострої кризи і голоду в багатьох регіонах СРСР, які були наслідком здійснюваної Кремлем прискореної "революції згори". Kнигa дoпoмагaє yсвiдoмити, щo терор голодом у поєднанні з репресіями проти безпартійної української інтелігенції та членів КП(б)У мали на меті попередити соціальний і політичний вибух в найбільшій національній республіці. Це дослідження призначене для української громадськості, яка зацікавлена у міжнародному визнанні Закону України "Про Голодомор 1932-1933 років в Україні", прийнято Верховною Радою 28 листопада 2006 р.

This book began at Stanford University and I wish to express my gratitude to Sepp Gumbrecht, who first encouraged me to embark on this project, for his continuing advice, support and enthusiasm. I also wish to thank Jean-Marie Apostolidès and acknowledge the late Richard Rorty, both of whom provided useful guidance at an early stage of this project. At a crucial point in my thinking on this topic, Thomas Pavel gave me excellent suggestions that I have tried to follow. I would also like to thank Criscillia Benford, Marilynn Desmond, Emma Gilligan, Jan Goldstein, Tamara Griggs, Rebecca Lemon, Ellen McClure, Robert Morrissey, Larry Norman, Catriona Seth, Chenxi Tang, Caroline Warman and the participants of the Early Modern France workshop at the University of Chicago, all of whom have read or commented on parts of the manuscript. I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wonderful colleagues at King’s College London who have made teaching and working such a pleasure, in particular to Simon Gaunt, Nicholas Harrison and Jo Malt for their invaluable advice and generosity. Two anonymous readers for the Press made excellent suggestions for improving the manuscript. Any remaining errors in these pages are, of course, entirely my own. Anne-Célia Feutrie provided much appreciated help in the final stages of editing. Matthew Shaw generously shared his own research on the Republican calendar with me. A Geballe Dissertation Fellowship at the Stanford Humanities Centre provided financial support in the earlier stages of this project, and I would like to thank King’s College London for help with the cost of illustrations. I would also like to acknowledge the Musée de la Révolution française de Vizille, and especially Annick Le Gall, for a very hospitable stay during my preliminary research on this project. This book has benefitted from being presented at numerous conferences, in particular the British Society of Eighteenth-Century Studies where the opportunity to present the Haydn Mason lecture helped revise my thinking on the topic. Some of the material in Chapter 1 was published in my The French Republican Calendar: Time, History and the Revolutionary Event’, Journal of Eighteenth-Century Studies, 35 (2012):1–16. Chapter 4 is a modified version of ‘Death by Volcano: Revolutionary Theatre and Marie- Antoinette’, French Studies (forthcoming). Chapter 5 is adapted from ‘The Goddesses of Reason: Incorporating Real and Metaphorical Bodies in Year II ’, in The Body and Its Images: Health, Humours, Illnesses, eds. Sabine Arnaud and Helge Jordheim (Paris: Honoré Champion, forthcoming). I thank Wiley Publications, Oxford Journals and Slatkine Press for permission to reuse this material. Last but hardly least, my deepest thanks go to my parents for everything and more. This book is dedicated with much love to Dimitris, who has lived with it far longer than anyone should, but always with good humour and patience.

It's now over twenty years since punk pogo-ed its way into our consciousness. Punk Rock So What?brings together a new generation of academics, writers and journalists to provide the first comprehensive assessment of punk and its place in popular music history, culture and myth. The contributors, who include Suzanne Moore, Lucy OBrien, Andy Medhurst, Mark Sinker and Paul Cobley, challenge standard views of punk prevalent since the 1970s. They: re-situate punk in its historical context, analysing the possible origins of punk in the New York art scene and Manchester clubs as well as in Malcolm McClarens brain, question whether punk deserves its reputation as an anti-fascist, anti-sexist movement which opened up opportunities for women musicians and fans alike. Trace punks long-lasting influence on comics, literature, art and cinema as well as music and fashion, from films such as Sid and Nancy and The Great Rock n Roll Swindle to work by contemporary artists such as Gavin Turk and Sarah Lucas. Discuss the role played by such key figures as Johnny Rotten, Richard Hell, Malcolm McClaren, Mark E. Smith and Viv Albertine. Punk Rock Revisited kicks over the statues of many established beliefs about the meaning of punk, concluding that, if anything, punk was more culturally significant than anybody has yet suggested, but perhaps for different reasons.

A pioneer in legal and political theory, Schmitt traces the prehistory of political romanticism by examining its relationship to revolutionary and reactionary tendencies in modern European history. Both the partisans of the French Revolution and its most embittered enemies were numbered among the romantics. During the movement for German national unity at the beginning of the nineteenth century, both revolutionaries and reactionaries counted themselves as romantics. According to Schmitt, the use of the concept to designate opposed political positions results from the character of political romanticism: its unpredictable quality and lack of commitment to any substantive political position. The romantic person acts in such a way that his imagination can be affected. He acts insofar as he is moved. Thus an action is not a performance or something one does, but rather an affect or a mood, something one feels. The product of an action is not a result that can be evaluated according to moral standards, but rather an emotional experience that can be judged only in aesthetic and emotive terms. These observations lead Schmitt to a profound reflection on the shortcomings of liberal politics. Apart from the liberal rule of law and its institution of an autonomous private sphere, the romantic inner sanctum of purely personal experience could not exist. Without the security of the private realm, the romantic imagination would be subject to unpredictable incursions. Only in a bourgeois world can the individual become both absolutely sovereign and thoroughly privatized: a master builder in the cathedral of his personality. An adequate political order cannot be maintained on such a tolerant individualism, concludes Schmitt.

How did two of the world’s most populous countries emerge from a shared colonial legacy with radically divergent and historically enduring political regimes? Investigating that question has been my professional preoccupation for the last decade. That I have finally crafted an answer in the form of this book is a testament to the extraordinary support of a great many individuals and institutions. As such, I would be remiss not to acknowledge some of the hands that have steadied my progress and encouraged my spirits along the gratifying path to the book’s completion. The earliest seed of this project formed over a decade ago when I spent six months working in Dhaka for a microfinance organization. At the time, I was struck by the considerable political differences between Bangladesh and India, despite their common colonial legacy. The idea of systematically exploring the origins of these differences germinated during my enrollment in Atul Kohli’s graduate course the Comparative Political Economy of Development, at Princeton. This engaging and provocative course, which asked ambitious questions about the origins of worldwide patterns of economic development, charted the kind of bold intellectual terrain that inspired my enrollment in a political science doctoral program and that directly led to the writing of this book.

Religious intolerance, so terrible and deadly in its recent manifestations, is nothing new. In fact, until after the eighteenth century, Christianity was perhaps the most intolerant of all the great world religions. How Christian Europe and the West went from this extreme to their present universal belief in religious toleration is the momentous story fully told for the first time in this timely and important book by a leading historian of early modern Europe. Perez Zagorin takes readers to a time when both the Catholic Church and the main new Protestant denominations embraced a policy of endorsing religious persecution, coercing unity, and, with the state's help, mercilessly crushing dissent and heresy. This position had its roots in certain intellectual and religious traditions, which Zagorin traces before showing how out of the same traditions came the beginnings of pluralism in the West. Here we see how sixteenth- and seventeenth-century thinkers--writing from religious, theological, and philosophical perspectives--contributed far more than did political expediency or the growth of religious skepticism to advance the cause of toleration. Reading these thinkers--from Erasmus and Sir Thomas More to John Milton and John Locke, among others--Zagorin brings to light a common, if unexpected, thread: concern for the spiritual welfare of religion itself weighed more in the defense of toleration than did any secular or pragmatic arguments. His book--which ranges from England through the Netherlands, the post-1685 Huguenot Diaspora, and the American Colonies--also exposes a close connection between toleration and religious freedom. A far-reaching and incisive discussion of the major writers, thinkers, and controversies responsible for the emergence of religious tolerance in Western society--from the Enlightenment through the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights--this original and richly nuanced work constitutes an essential chapter in the intellectual history of the modern world.

Ч. ІІ : Вибрані тексти. - С. 230 - 254

Підручник присвячено висвітленню проблем сучасної практичної філософії як прикладної етики, які розробляють на засадах комунікативної парадигми К. -О. Апель, Ю. Габермас, Д. Бьолер, В. Кульман, П. Ульріх, В. Гьосле. Це проблеми дискурсивного обгрунтування принципів моралі, взаємовідношення універсалістських норм з цінностями традиційних етосів соціокультурних життєвих форм, функціонування моральних належностеи у системах сучасного суспільства — політиці, економіці, науці тощо. Зміст комунікативної теорії розкривається у порівнянні з класичною філософією моралі, а також на тлі дискусій її представників з теоретиками постмодернізму, неоконсерватизму, комунітаризму, неомарксизму, системної теорії тощо. Обґрунтовується значення комунікативної етики відповідальності для ціннісної переорієнтації та духовно-морального оновлення суспільства, розв'язання політичних та етнічних конфліктів, вирішення екологічних проблем. Праця містить також переклади статей провідних представників комунікативної філософії К. -О. Апеля, Ю. Габермаса, В. Гьосле. Підручник розраховано на студентів та аспірантів, які вивчають практичну та соціальну філософію, політологію, соціологію, етику. Книга адресована усім, хто цікавиться питаннями філософії моралі та етики.

Країна Ірредента – країна, позбавлена можливості до самовідтворення, до самовизначення, до самоутвердження. Увесь її шлях – мов туго натягнута линва між Сициллою і Харибдою. Усе її існування – історія моторошного балансування. Уже з самої назви – що мов палюче тавро – свого твору Роман Іваничук розпочинає вельми нелегкий шлях до пошуків відповіді на ріторичне питання української історії: чому, як трапилося, що народ, наділений потужною креативністю, природним талантом, позбавлений звичайного талану?.. Політичний роман «Країна Ірредента» за своєю композицією нагадує дивний чорно-білий колаж з різних часових пластів українського буття, пронизаних, мов життєдайним світлом, прагненням – попри весь трагізм долі – будь-що ВІДБУТИСЯ. Повість «Злодії та Апостоли» начебто схожа на пораду – як треба шукати свого родоводу. Та водночас у творі постає панорамна картина історії Гуцульщини на чотирьохсотлітньому відтинку часу із звичаями, віруваннями, мовою та ментальністю горян, духовний світ яких сьогодні зазнав поважних зовнішніх змін, проте у своїй суті залишився предковічним. Фабула повісті ґрунтується на реальному житті гуцулів, однак автор розкошує домислом, що надає творові романтичного шарму.